In a recent blog post, Looming Government Shutdown? A Brief Overview of Expiring Federal Authorizations, the Rockefeller Institute of Government detailed the health care policies and programs requiring an extension and, in some cases, funding by Congress. For over two weeks now, failure to reach agreement on a Continuing Resolution (CR) to keep the federal government fully funded has resulted in a temporary federal shutdown.

The debate is both highly nuanced and politically charged. It involves multiple healthcare issues. The House passed a CR (sometimes also referred to as an extender) that would largely continue current funding levels through November 21, 2025, but with some new spending items, such as additional funding for congressional member security. Thus far, the Senate majority has not had the votes to pass the extender.

Under Senate rules, 60 votes are required to overcome a filibuster. This necessitates at least seven Democratic senators to vote with the Republican majority for passage. Only three Democratic senators and one Independent have voted in favor of the House-passed extender to date, and one Republican did not vote with the majority. This leaves the current vote count at 56 out of the necessary 60 votes.

The Democrats are seeking an amendment to the Republican supported CR, which would fund the government through October 31, 2025. At the core of the current dispute, the Democratic minority is seeking, among other things, in its proposed amendments: (1) restorations of the health care cuts in the recently passed HR1—also known as the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA), and (2) permanent extension of federal funding not included in HR1 for enhanced subsidies—known as advance premium tax credits (APTC). APTCs provide additional federal funding to lower the cost of health insurance coverage purchased through the Affordable Care Act (ACA) marketplaces. These enhanced APTC subsidies were initially authorized during the COVID pandemic and are set to expire at the end of 2025, unless extended. In essence, the disagreement is over the health care cuts HR1 made, which were followed by more restrictive regulations governing the purchase of health insurance coverage, and whether Congress will continue COVID-era enhanced subsidies.

Additionally, while not included in the broader media coverage, the Rockefeller Institute has previously highlighted October 1, 2025, as the scheduled implementation date for reductions to Disproportionate Share Hospital (DSH) payments. DSH provides federal funds to hospitals that serve a high number of low-income and uninsured patients to help cover their uncompensated care costs.¹ Language delaying the cuts to DSH is in both the Republicans’ CR as well as the Democrats’ proposal.

Restoration of HR1 Cuts

Prior work by the Institute, as well as other commentators, has detailed the funding cuts and other changes included in HR1 and through federal regulation, and their adverse impacts on New York’s $300 billion healthcare economy.

The Democratic minority in the Senate is seeking restorations for all of the health provisions changed in HR1. Of the Democrats’ proposed restorations, three specific areas that have been the subject of the Republican majority’s criticism include proposals relating to the financing of healthcare for certain non-citizens (both lawfully residing and illegally residing). The proposals or restorations include: (1) permitting particular lawfully residing immigrants (persons residing under color of law, or “PRUCOL”) to purchase health insurance on the official ACA marketplace, who were excluded in HR1; (2) reversing the narrowed definition of PRUCOL in HR1; and (3) restoring the federal matching share of emergency Medicaid funding which was reduced in HR1.

These issues have been subject to oversimplification in public and political discourse. Prior Rockefeller Institute of Government writings have clearly detailed these programs and who is or is not eligible. At the core of the issue, with limited exception relating to the percentage of federal funding for emergency Medicaid,² federal funds have always been prohibited from funding coverage for those who are not lawfully residing in New York or other states. However, HR 1 also significantly reduced federal funding for both emergency care, which is provided to undocumented persons during a life-threatening emergency, and for lawfully residing residents, like refugees and asylees, that was previously authorized.³

New York estimates the changes to the definition and eligibility for the tax credits in HR1, and the enhanced subsidy expiration that was not extended in HR1, would result in a loss of over $7.5 billion in funding to New York’s healthcare economy, beginning January 1, 2026. In particular, the change in HR1 removing certain immigrants from eligibility for APTC reduces available federal funding to the State. As a result of these changes, on September 10, 2025, New York made a request to terminate the Section 1332 State Innovation Waiver and return to the Basic Health Program, risking coverage for approximately 450,000 New Yorkers with incomes between 200 and 250 percent of the poverty limit who, as a result of the loss of funding will have to purchase coverage on the exchange, obtain coverage through their employer or become uninsured. The comment period for the notice concluded on October 10, 2025, and anticipated submission to CMS was scheduled for October 15, 2025.

Some portion of the restoration of HR1 cuts that are being proposed may, however, go to undocumented immigrants with respect to emergency Medicaid funding. Medicaid pays a share of the financing of emergency Medicaid services for persons with life-threatening or organ-threatening conditions—this was the case both before and after HR1. HR1 continues to fund emergency Medicaid, but reduces the federal share from 90 percent to 50 percent for certain adults.

According to New York State Department of Health data provided to the Empire Center for Public Policy, a think tank, as of March 2024, there are 480,000 noncitizens enrolled in the emergency Medicaid program. These are largely undocumented immigrants who are otherwise not eligible for Medicaid or the Essential Plan as a qualified alien, PRUCOL, or through any other program. Absent emergency Medicaid federal funding, however, hospitals would still be required to provide care in emergent situations under the Federal Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act (EMTALA ) without federal money to reimburse those hospitals for that care. EMTALA was a bipartisan bill that was signed by President Regan back in 1986. Among other things, EMTALA protects everyone—primarily US citizens—who need immediate emergency care by requiring hospitals to treat patients whether they have proof of identity or insurance, or not.

The debate in Washington over restoring cuts passed in HR1 may not be resolved in a CR. Despite the potential impacts on federal funding to New York associated with the currently passed CR in the House and, therein, maintaining HR1’s changes and funding cuts, there are other important elements that, if excluded from an agreement, would add to the impact of HR1 reductions.

This post summarizes two important issues that are of significant financial impact to New York, which could be important elements of a potential bipartisan compromise solution.

Extending Enhanced Advance Premium Tax Credits and Disproportionate Share Hospital Funding

In addition to restoration of the health care cuts in HR1, a second key issue in the current federal shutdown relates to programs with significant financial impact to New York that were not addressed in HR1: continued funding for Enhanced Advance Premium Tax Credits (APTC), as well as extension of the Disproportionate Share Hospital (DSH) funding at current levels. A permanent extension of the enhanced APTCs was included in the Democrat minority CR, and both parties included an extension of current DSH funding in their respective proposals.

Enhanced APTC

Enhanced APTC federal funds are used to lower health insurance premium costs for qualified health plan (QHP) coverage purchased through ACA health marketplaces. The extension of enhanced APTC, which was not addressed in HR1, relates to enhanced subsidies for purchasing qualified health plan (QHP) coverage. Existing subsidies for those not enrolled in Medicaid, Medicare, or other coverage that provide financial assistance beyond what was authorized under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) are set to expire on December 31, 2025.

The enhanced APTC subsidies were initially authorized during COVID-19 in the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) and extended in the Inflation Reduction Act.⁴ Not only were the enhanced subsidies for purchasing health insurance coverage increased (for those who were already receiving a subsidy) through advance premium tax credits, but eligibility for subsidies was expanded to include those above 400 percent of the federal poverty limit ($62,600 for an individual and $128,600 for a family of four in 2025).

The extension of the enhanced APTC was neither included in HR1, nor was it included in the Republican’s continuing resolution. As a result, it has been less widely publicized component of the current healthcare debate in Washington than the proposals to restore reductions in funding for non-citizen care, in the Democrat version of the CR.

At present, it remains unclear if the COVID-era enhanced premium tax credits will be renewed by Congress. The CR proposed by the Congressional majority only provides continued funding of existing programs through November 21st and would not solve the subsidy cliff (a sudden and steep increase in premiums for those purchasing coverage in the individual or small group market) before open enrollment begins on November 1st. Despite the fact that this issue remains open in the federal funding debate, there has been strong public support as of late for extending enhanced APTC. Of those polled by the Kaiser Family Foundation between September 23 and September 29, 2025, 78 percent of respondents indicated Congress should extend the enhanced tax credits (92 percent of Democrats, 82 percent of independents and 59 percent of Republicans).

Moreover, in mid-late September, Republican Senator Lisa Murkowski (AK), who voted against the CR, proposed a two-year extension in efforts to reach agreement on the potential shutdown, and news outlets reported⁵ that Republican senators were working on legislation that would extend the subsidies. At present, it appears Senator Murkowski is the only sponsor of her bill (S. 2824), which would extend the subsidies for two years. There is also currently proposed legislation, the Bipartisan Premium Tax Credit Extension Act (H.R. 5145), which would extend the enhanced subsidies for one year, through December 31, 2026. As of October 9th, 2025, there are 27 bipartisan House co-sponsors, including three members of the New York Congressional Delegation sponsoring the bill: Representatives Suozzi (D, NY-3), Lawler (R, NY-17), LaLota (R, NY-1).

Absent legislative action, it is estimated by the Kaiser Foundation that the cost to purchase health insurance in the individual market could increase by over 75 percent nationally due to the subsidy expiration.

While New York and other states would be impacted, the enhanced subsidies have the greatest direct impact in the 10 remaining non-Medicaid expansion states: Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Kansas, Mississippi, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Wisconsin, and Wyoming.⁶ These states account for 79 house majority votes (out of 106 associated with the 10 states in total).

Moreover, there are particular and significant portions of the population within and outside of these states that would be greatly impacted. According to Kaiser, nationally, “more than a quarter of farmers, ranchers, and agricultural managers had individual market health insurance coverage (the vast majority of which is purchased with a tax credit through the ACA Marketplaces). About half (48%) of working-age adults with individual market coverage are either employed by a small business with fewer than 25 workers, self-employed entrepreneurs, or small business owners. Middle-income people who would lose tax credits altogether are disproportionately early and pre-retirees, small business owners, and rural residents.

And while the ACA Marketplaces have doubled in size nationally since these enhanced tax credits became available, more than half of that growth is concentrated in Texas, Florida, Georgia, and North Carolina.”⁷

DSH Funding

Medicaid Disproportionate Share Hospital (DSH) payments are federal payments to hospitals that serve a high number of low-income and uninsured patients to help cover their uncompensated care costs. These payments are a critical form of financial assistance for “safety-net” hospitals, helping them remain financially stable and continue providing essential services to vulnerable populations. Federal law requires states to make these payments to qualifying hospitals, but there are overall and state-specific limits on the total amount of funding available.

Funding for the DSH program was set to expire on or about October 1, 2025. Extension of the DSH program was not included in HR1. As discussed below, the impact on “safety-net” hospitals in New York is significant.

Impact on New York

Expiration of Enhanced APTC

In 2022, the last time the Enhanced APTC subsidies were set to expire, New York State estimated that their expiration would increase premium costs for qualified health plan (QHP) enrollees by 58 percent and reduce funding to the Essential Plan by $600–$700 million.⁸ New York recently estimated the impact at 38 percent following passage of the House bill, which did not include the extension. According to NYSOH, the subsidy benefits nearly 140,000 New Yorkers and reduces coverage costs by $1,368 per person annually (previously $1,453 in 2022), which equates to over $200 million in federal funding that would be diverted from New Yorkers currently purchasing coverage on the exchange.

Additionally, New York has experienced higher-than-average premium increases in recent years, so when combined with reductions to subsidies, this may make it more difficult for people to afford to buy coverage and could further exacerbate the shrinking New York individual and small group health insurance markets. Premium increases in New York exceed national trends.⁹ Part of this in New York (as opposed to other states) is due to the use of various health-related taxes, which were detailed in How Health Care Policy in Washington Could Affect New York.

Rate increases for individual, small group, and large group health insurance for the 2026 plan year were reviewed and approved, with changes, by the Department of Financial Services (DFS) in August 2025. According to DFS, individual plans will increase by an average of 7.1 percent, while small group plans will increase by an average of 13 percent, both of which are significantly less than was requested by the insurers.

New York operates a Basic Health Program (BHP) option in the ACA, known as the Essential Plan (EP). The EP is a public health insurance program for New Yorkers with incomes above the maximum Medicaid eligibility (138 percent of the federal poverty limit) and below 200 percent of the poverty limit, or with the 1332 Waiver below 250 percent of the poverty limit (FPL). The BHP provision in the ACA only allows eligibility up to 200 percent FPL. Using a provision in section 1332 of the ACA that allows for federal regulators to make certain adjustments (or waivers), New York increased EP eligibility to 250 percent FPL. However, as a result of funding reductions enacted in the HR1, New York is currently seeking to reverse its waiver expansion, bringing the future maximum eligibility to 200 percent of the FPL.

Using January 2025 enrollment data, absent other changes, the estimated lost funding to the Essential Plan would jump from $1 billion to $1.2 billion. Changes enacted in HR1 (which the Democrats are currently seeking to reverse) reduce the value of the enhanced subsidies to New York by approximately one-third, as certain legally residing non-citizens are no longer eligible for any subsidies pursuant to the federal changes.¹⁰

Enhanced Premium Tax Credit—Impact of Expiration in New York ¹¹

An extension or lack thereof of the subsidy has important implications for healthcare financing and access to coverage in the State of New York. At present, New York stands to lose $1.2 billion to $1.4 billion associated with the loss of the enhanced subsidies, including $1.0 billion to $1.2 billion currently used to provide low-cost coverage to 1.6 million persons with incomes between 138 and 250 percent of the poverty limit and nearly $200 million for 140,000 individuals purchasing coverage on New York State of Health (NYSOH).

Timing for Consumers

November 1, 2025, marks the beginning of the open enrollment period for purchasing coverage on a state or federally operated exchange for the 2026 plan year. Consumers can begin renewing plans beginning November 16, 2025, for those purchasing a qualified health plan on New York State of Health (NYSOH), with a December 15, 2025, deadline to enroll in coverage that begins on January 1, 2026.

In addition to NYSOH’s website and app, New York health insurance notices for the 2026 plan year are to be sent out by November 1, 2025, detailing premium information, including any applicable APTC. The notices will also list the income used for the automatic renewal determination in a section titled “How We Made Our Decision.” For enrollees who do not agree with the renewal determination, they can update their application on NYSOH between November 16, 2025, and December 15, 2025, to avoid a gap in coverage starting January 1, 2026.

Those rate notices are already being loaded into the plan systems and NYSOH online, as it takes some weeks to get the rate notices set and out to enrollees. If Congress does not act imminently to reauthorize the expanded APTC, consumers will receive notices that reflect 2026 premiums without the expanded APTC.

Indeed, NYSOH has already put online, as of October 1, 2025, the ‘Compare Plans’ and ‘Estimate Costs’ tool on the website, which allows consumers to look at plan options and evaluate costs. And, for consumers using the tool now, it already reflects that the Expanded APTCs will not be available for 2026.

Potential Enhanced APTC Compromise

There are three basic options available to Congress with some variation on duration with regard to the enhanced APTCs. Congress could:

1. Allow the enhanced APTCs to expire. If no compromise is reached, Congress could simply do nothing and funding for the Enhanced APTCs will stop at the end of 2025.
2. Extend the existing enhanced APTCs. The parties could compromise and extend the enhanced APTCs either permanently or temporarily to some date certain. As noted above, a bipartisan bill (H.R. 4541) would extend the enhanced APTCs for one year, and Senator Murkowski carries a bill in the Senate (S. 2824) that would extend the subsidies for two years. The Senate Democratic minority CR would extend the existing subsidies permanently.
3. Modify the eligibility criteria for enhanced APTCs. Currently, eligibility has no income limit as such, but the enhanced APTC subsidies ensure that no one spends more than 8.5 percent of income for the benchmark silver plan. Congress could make changes that include: (1) modifying the eligibility criteria to the level under the ACA to 400% of the federal poverty level (FPL); (2) adjusting the limit of the percent of income for the benchmark silver plan above (or below) 8.5 percent; or (3) some other rules that limit or expand income eligibility.

Congress could also explore options that modify the maximum amount a household would be required to contribute towards the cost of coverage (currently 8.5% for households above 400 percent of FPL) or limit the application of the marketplace coverage rule, which was detailed in a prior Rockefeller Institute of Government report.

Expiration of Disproportionate Share Hospital (DSH) Funding

Additionally, scheduled reductions to DSH funding, that absent a change to New York State law, would primarily affect the availability of DSH funding for New York City, which were delayed from starting in October 2025 to October 2026 through 2028 in the initial House Reconciliation bill, but not included in HR1, are effective October 1, 2025, absent a federal extension. The DSH reduction has been delayed by Congress more than a dozen times since enactment through the ACA.¹²

Under current law, the availability of $2.4 billion federal DSH funding to New York, or 15 percent of federal funding for DSH ($16 billion), would be reduced. DSH funding is matched by the state or locality (through an intergovernmental transfer), making New York’s total DSH program over $4.7 billion as of federal fiscal year 2025. The Medicaid and CHIP Payment and Access Commission (MACPAC) estimates New York State’s total DSH program, including federal and non-federal shares, would be reduced by $2.8 billion, which translates to a loss of $1.4 billion in federal DSH funding (or a nearly 59 percent reduction).

On September 23, 2019, immediately preceding the last government shutdown, CMS issued a final rule, finalizing the methodology to calculate the scheduled reductions to DHS funding, as initially enacted in the ACA, during the 2020 to 2025 period. It does not appear that the Trump administration has issued guidance related to implementation in 2025; however, the regulations track with the statute, meaning the Trump administration could implement the DSH reductions required under the ACA, absent agreement on a delay.

Like an extension of the enhanced subsidies for the APTCs, an extension (meaning a delay) of the DSH cuts is an important element for New York to avoid further significant loss of federal funding (in addition to the loss of funding as a result of HR1 and the potential expiration of the enhanced subsidies).

Conclusion

Multiple healthcare issues are at play in the Federal government shutdown. Democrats want to restore cuts and other actions made in HR1 in an effort to mitigate the impact on residents and the healthcare delivery system, including the State’s financial plan, while Republicans are not revisiting actions taken in HR1. Among others, requested cuts to be restored in HR1 include making certain legally residing non-citizens ineligible for federal funding to purchase comprehensive coverage on health insurance marketplaces, narrowing the definition of legally residing non-citizen for purposes of public program eligibility, and reducing the match rate for emergency Medicaid.

Two additional important issues are the impending expiration of enhanced subsidies for purchasing coverage on an official ACA marketplace and the impending implementation date for previously scheduled disproportionate share hospital (DSH) reductions. As referenced above, polling suggests that the extension of the subsidy has broad public support, and there is a bipartisan bill in Congress providing an extension. In the immediate days following the shutdown, positive polling around extending the enhanced APTC suggested there was a possibility of ending the shutdown with bipartisan support. While many states benefit from these subsidies, New Yorkers, more specifically, benefit from these subsidies on the exchange and in the Essential Plan, due to the State’s adoption of the Basic Health Program option for those with income slightly above Medicaid levels. While there is some coverage and indications of support regarding the enhanced APTC subsidies, the potential for the DSH cuts to be implemented is not in the mainstream media coverage.

Moreover, with regard to the enhanced APTC subsidies, we now see that the narrative from the Republican congressional majority is shifting,¹³ suggesting that the enhanced subsidies might not be part of resolving the current debate playing out in Washington.

Nevertheless, compromise is still possible, particularly in light of the disproportionate impact the expiration of the enhanced APTC will have on Republican-led states and the broad impact of the scheduled DSH reductions. One potential path to ending the shutdown where both sides could arguably claim victory would be to drop the demand for restoration of the health care cuts in HR1 in exchange for extending the enhanced APTC and again delaying the DSH cuts. While this potential “victory” would be a benefit to New York and reopen the federal government, that does not mean that the restoration of cuts enacted in HR1 would not also be important to New York in future negotiations.

It’s impossible to predict exactly where things are headed right now, but the Rockefeller Institute of Government continues to monitor developments in Washington, continuing past efforts to detail who and what is at stake in the current debates. This post is preceded by a series of healthcare reports, blogs, and podcasts by our health team, which include more information on the programs discussed in this post and related topics. More information can be found in these past works in the health series, which is available here.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)

Jillian Kirby Bronner is a special advisor to the New York State Budget Director and a guest author of the Rockefeller Institute of Government
Troy Oechsner is a fellow at the Rockefeller Institute of Government
Courtney Burke is senior fellow for health policy at the Rockefeller Institute of Government

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1 see, https://www.aha.org/fact-sheets/2023-03-28-fact-sheet-medicaid-dsh-program ; https://www.aha.org/news/headline/2025-10-02-cms-releases-updated-guidance-states-federal-financing-emergency-medicaid-services

2 According to New York State Department of Health data provided to the Empire Center for Public Policy, a think tank, as of March 2024, there are 480,000 noncitizens enrolled in the emergency Medicaid program. These are largely undocumented immigrants who are otherwise not eligible for Medicaid or the Essential Plan as a qualified alien, PRUCOL, or through any other program. Absent emergency Medicaid federal funding, however, hospitals would still be required to provide care in an emergent situations under the Federal Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act (EMTALA ) without federal money to reimburse those hospitals for that care. EMTALA was a bipartisan bill that was signed by President Regan back in 1986. Among other things, EMTALA protects everyone—primarily US citizens—who need immediate emergency care by requiring hospitals to treat patients whether they have proof of identity or insurance, or not.

3 The ACA, passed in 2010, made some legally residing non-citizens eligible for tax credits to purchase coverage on the official ACA marketplaces. By changing the definition of qualified alien in HR1, certain asylee and refugee seekers (for example) have become ineligible for the purposes of such public health insurance programs

4 https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/IF12203 ; https://www.kff.org/affordable-care-act/inflation-reduction-act-health-insurance-subsidies-what-is-their-impact-and-what-would-happen-if-they-expire/ .

5 See for example, https://www.politico.com/news/2025/09/15/senate-republicans-prepping-bill-to-extend-enhanced-obamacare-subsidies-00564538

6 States that have not increased their Medicaid eligibility limit to 138 percent of the federal poverty limit (FPL), as authorized in the Affordable Care Act: Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Kansas, Mississippi, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Wisconsin, and Wyoming. A non-Medicaid expansion state is a state that has not adopted the Affordable Care Act’s (ACA) provision to expand Medicaid eligibility to cover adults with incomes up to 138% of the federal poverty level. Instead of expanding, these states maintain a lower income threshold for traditional Medicaid, leaving some low-income adults without children in a Medicaid coverage gap, meaning they do not qualify for Medicaid or for subsidies to buy private health insurance through the ACA Marketplace (for more information: see, https://www.kff.org/medicaid/status-of-state-medicaid-expansion-decisions/ ). Note: the ARPA provided an additional incentive in the form of a 5 percent increase in federal Medicaid match for two years following the expansion for states to expand (Arkansas and South Dakota, but both have a pop up to withdraw should the enhanced ACA funding be modified and intend to apply work requirements to their program) or who planned to expand (Missouri and Oklahoma) to 138 percent of FPL.

7 https://www.kff.org/quick-take/why-might-republicans-consider-extending-obamacare-tax-credits/

8 As part of the COVID-19 public health emergency, Congress authorized a temporary 6.2 percentage point federal medical assistance percentage (FMAP) increase under the Families First Coronavirus Response Act (FFCRA) of 2020 and required states to maintain enrollment of nearly all Medicaid recipients through March 31, 2023. New York State began the process of redetermining eligibility for all Medicaid enrollees in June 2023.

9 The Empire Center has detailed this research extensively, including most recently In “Why New York’s Health Premiums Keep Going Up.”

10 EP enrollment as of January is 1,652,160. Approximately 30 percent of the estimate for the subsidy expiration overlaps with previous Rockefeller Institute of Government estimates for prohibiting certain noncitizens from eligibility for federal funding in the Essential Plan.

11 New York’s Essential Plans 1, 2, 3, and 4 are tiers of an affordable health insurance program for lower-income residents who do not qualify for Medicaid. The plans primarily differ based on household income, which determines eligibility and cost-sharing amounts. EP 1 and 2 are for citizens, and EP 3 and 4 are for PRUCOL immigrants. The income limits are by federal poverty level (FPL) as follows: EP 1 (151-200% FPL), EP2 139%-150% FPL), EP3 (100-138%), and EP4 (under 100% FPL). As of April 1, 2024, New York also offers an Essential Plan 200–250 for those with higher incomes, but plans 1–4 are specifically for those between 0 and 200% of the Federal Poverty Level (FPL). (See, https://info.nystateofhealth.ny.gov/sites/default/files/Essential Plan Benefits and Cost Sharing.pdf ; https://info.nystateofhealth.ny.gov/EssentialPlan ).

12 See MACPAC Disproportionate share hospital payments history.

13 See for example: https://www.politico.com/live-updates/2025/10/10/congress/mike-johnson-raises-fresh-doubts-about-an-obamacare-compromise-00601984, https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/congress/mike-johnson-slams-obamacare-funds-boondoggle-shutdown-drags-rcna237366,